The ACS is the largest household survey in the United States, with a sample of about 3 million addresses. It covers the topics previously covered in the long form of the decennial census. The ACS is designed to provide estimates of the size and characteristics of the resident population, which includes persons living in households and group quarters.

The specific data sources for this statistical profile are the 1% sample of the 2011 ACS Integrated Public Use Microdata Series (IPUMS) and the 5% sample of the 2000 Census IPUMS provided by the University of Minnesota.¹ The IPUMS assigns uniform codes, to the extent possible, to data collected by the decennial census and the ACS from 1850 to 2011. Due to differences in the way in which the IPUMS and Census Bureau adjust income data and assign poverty status, data provided in Tables 31 – 37 might differ from data on these variables that are provided by the Census Bureau. For more information about the IPUMS, including variable definition and sampling error, please visit http://usa.ipums.org/usa/design.shtml. To learn more about the sampling strategy and associated error of the 2000 Census or the 2011 American Community Survey, please refer to Chapter 8 of the U.S. Census Summary File 3: 2000 and U.S. Census Design Methodology, respectively. For the purposes of this statistical portrait, the population is based on the 50 states and the District of Columbia. Persons born in Puerto Rico and other outlying territories of the U.S. and who are now living in the 50 states or the District of Columbia are included in the native-born Hispanic population. Hispanics who are now living in the 50 states or the District of Columbia and who identified as naturalized citizens or non-citizens are included in the foreign-born Hispanic population.

The ACS is the largest household survey in the United States, with a sample of about 3 million addresses. It covers the topics previously covered in the long form of the decennial census. The ACS is designed to provide estimates of the size and characteristics of the resident population, which includes persons living in households and group quarters.

The specific data sources for this statistical profile are the 1% sample of the 2011 ACS Integrated Public Use Microdata Series (IPUMS) and the 5% sample of the 2000 Census IPUMS provided by the University of Minnesota.¹ The IPUMS assigns uniform codes, to the extent possible, to data collected by the decennial census and the ACS from 1850 to 2011. Due to differences in the way in which the IPUMS and Census Bureau adjust income data and assign poverty status, data provided in Tables 31 – 37 might differ from data on these variables that are provided by the Census Bureau. For more information about the IPUMS, including variable definition and sampling error, please visit http://usa.ipums.org/usa/design.shtml. To learn more about the sampling strategy and associated error of the 2000 Census or the 2011 American Community Survey, please refer to Chapter 8 of the U.S. Census Summary File 3: 2000 and U.S. Census Design Methodology, respectively.

For the purposes of this statistical portrait, the foreign born include those persons who identified as naturalized citizens or non-citizens and are living in the 50 states or the District of Columbia. Persons born in Puerto Rico and other outlying territories of the U.S. and who are now living in the 50 states or the District of Columbia are included in the native-born population.

Nearly half (45%) of the nation’s Hispanic¹ population lives in just 10 metropolitan areas, according to tabulations of the 2010 American Community Survey (ACS) by the Pew Hispanic Center, a project of the Pew Research Center.²

The Los Angeles-Long Beach, Calif., metropolitan area has the nation’s largest Hispanic population—5.7 million—and alone accounts for more than one-in-ten (11%) Hispanics nationally.³ All population estimates presented in this report are for Hispanics living in the 50 states and the District of Columbia.  The New York-Northeastern New Jersey metropolitan area is the second largest by Hispanic population (4.2 million) and is home to 8% of Hispanics nationwide.

Six of the 10 largest Hispanic metropolitan populations are in just two states. California has three–Los Angeles (#1), Riverside-San Bernardino (#4) and San Francisco-Oakland-Vallejo (#10). Texas is also home to three of the 10 largest Hispanic metropolitan areas—Houston-Brazoria (#3), Dallas-Fort Worth (#6) and San Antonio (#9). The other four largest Hispanic metropolitan populations are New York (#2); Chicago, Ill. (#5); Miami-Hialeah, Fla. (#7); and Phoenix, Ariz. (#8). Overall, each of the 10 largest Hispanic metropolitan areas has a Hispanic population of more than 1 million and Hispanics are the largest minority or ethnic group in each.

While these 10 metropolitan areas represent the largest Hispanic populations, within each area, the Hispanic share varies, as do the characteristics of the Hispanic population that resides in each area.

For example, the Hispanic share in each of the 10 largest metro area populations ranges from a low of 21% in Chicago to a high of 66% in Miami. Miami and San Antonio (55%) are the only two metro areas among the 10 largest where Hispanics are a majority of the population. Among the top 60, Hispanics are a majority in 11 additional metropolitan areas.

Overall, Los Angeles and New York have the largest Hispanic populations. In Los Angeles, Hispanics make up 45% of the area’s residents. In the New York metropolitan area, Hispanics make up about one-in-four (24%) of all residents.

Among the 60 metropolitan areas with the largest Latino populations, two have Latino population shares above 90%. The population of Laredo, Texas—with the 36th largest Latino population—is 96% Latino. The McAllen-Edinburg-Pharr-Mission, Texas, metropolitan area—which has the 13th largest Hispanic population—is 91% Latino.

The Hispanic origin composition in the top 60 metropolitan areas also varies. For example, Cubans are the largest Hispanic origin group in Miami and make up more than half (54%) of all Hispanics there. In the Washington, D.C./Maryland/Virginia, area—the 12th largest Hispanic metropolitan population—the largest Hispanic origin group is Salvadoran, making up 34% of the area’s Hispanic population. Puerto Ricans are the largest Hispanic origin group in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania/New Jersey—the 24th largest Hispanic metropolitan area—making up more than half (53%) of all Hispanics there.

Mexican-Americans are by far the nation’s largest Hispanic origin group, comprising 65% of the total Hispanic population in the United States. They are also the largest Hispanic origin group in 50 of the 60 metropolitan areas covered by this report, and make up more than half of the Hispanic population in 46 of them. In 33 of these metro areas Mexicans are not only the largest Hispanic origin group, they are also bigger than any other racial or ethnic group.

This report compares the 10 metropolitan areas with the largest Hispanic populations on a range of demographic and socioeconomic variables—including Hispanic origin, age, nativity, citizenship, education, English proficiency, household income, homeownership, poverty and health insurance.

Accompanying this report are statistical profiles for each of the 60 largest metropolitan areas by Hispanic population. Each statistical profile describes the demographic, employment and income characteristics of the Hispanic population in that metropolitan area, as well as the area’s non-Hispanic white and black populations. Also accompanying the report are two interactive maps showing key characteristics of the Hispanic population in each of the nation’s 60 largest metropolitan areas by Hispanic population and the distribution of the six largest Hispanic origin groups across the nation’s more than 3,000 counties.

About this Report

This report examines the Hispanic populations in the United States’ 10 metropolitan areas with the largest number of Hispanics. It also contains detailed information on the next 50 largest metropolitan areas by Hispanic population.

The data for this report are derived from the 2010 American Community Survey (1% IPUMS), which provides detailed geographic, demographic and economic characteristics for each group.

Accompanying this report are statistical profiles of the 60 largest metropolitan areas by Hispanic population. Each statistical profile describes the demographic and economic characteristics of the Hispanic, non-Hispanic white and non-Hispanic black populations in that metropolitan area.

Also accompanying the report are two interactive maps. The first shows key characteristics of the Hispanic population in each of the nation’s 60 largest Hispanic metropolitan areas. The interactive also shows the largest Hispanic metropolitan populations and shares for the six largest Hispanic origin groups—Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, Salvadorans, Cubans, Dominicans and Guatemalans. The second interactive map shows the distribution of the six largest Hispanic origin groups across the nation’s more than 3,000 counties.

About the Authors

Seth Motel is a research assistant at the Pew Hispanic Center. Motel earned his B.A. in political science from Brown University.

Eileen Patten is a research assistant at the Pew Hispanic Center. Patten earned her B.A. in sociology and English from the University of Michigan.

Acknowledgements

The authors thank Paul Taylor and Mark Hugo Lopez for editorial guidance. Lopez and Rakesh Kochhar provided comments on earlier drafts of this report. Lopez checked numbers in the report. Molly Rohal was the copy editor.

Among the 50.7 million Hispanics in the United States, nearly two-thirds (65%), or 33 million, self-identify as being of Mexican origin, according to tabulations of the 2010 American Community Survey (ACS) by the Pew Hispanic Center, a project of the Pew Research Center. No other Hispanic subgroup rivals the size of the Mexican-origin population. Puerto Ricans, the nation’s second largest Hispanic origin group, make up just 9% of the total Hispanic population in the 50 states and the District of Columbia.¹

Overall, the 10 largest Hispanic origin groups—Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, Cubans, Salvadorans, Dominicans, Guatemalans, Colombians, Hondurans, Ecuadorians and Peruvians—make up 92% of the U.S. Hispanic population.² Six Hispanic origin groups have populations greater than 1 million.

Hispanic origin groups differ from each other in a number of ways. For instance, U.S. Hispanics of Mexican origin have the lowest median age, at 25 years, while Hispanics of Cuban origin have the highest median age, at 40 years. Colombians are the most likely to have a college degree (32%) while Salvadorans are the least likely (7%). Ecuadorians have the highest annual median household income ($50,000) while Dominicans have the lowest ($34,000). Half of Hondurans do not have health insurance—the highest share among Hispanic origin groups. By contrast, just 15% of Puerto Ricans do not have health insurance.

Top Regions and Counties

Hispanic subgroups also differ in their states, regions and counties of geographic concentration. Mexicans, Salvadorans and Guatemalans are largely concentrated in western states, while Cubans, Colombians, Hondurans and Peruvians are largely concentrated in the South. The largest numbers of Puerto Ricans, Dominicans and Ecuadorians are in the Northeast.

The nation’s Cuban population is the most concentrated. Nearly half (48%) live in one county—Miami-Dade County in Florida. Miami-Dade County is also home to the nation’s largest Colombian, Honduran and Peruvian communities.

For Mexicans, Salvadorans and Guatemalans, Los Angeles County in California contains each group’s largest community. Los Angeles County alone contains 9% of the nation’s Hispanic population. Bronx County in New York contains the largest Puerto Rican and Dominican populations. And Queens County in New York contains the largest Ecuadorian population.

Changes since 2000

This report also includes an analysis of changes in the characteristics of the 10 largest Hispanic origin groups from 2000 to 2010.

During the decade, the foreign-born share of each major Hispanic origin group declined. Among all Hispanics, the share foreign born fell from 40% in 2000 to 37% in 2010. Meanwhile the share holding U.S. citizenship increased from 71% in 2000 to 74% in 2010. Among all foreign-born Hispanics, the share holding U.S. citizenship increased from 28% in 2000 to 29% in 2010.

Hispanics have made gains in terms of their educational attainment during the decade. In each of the 10 groups, the share ages 25 and older with a college degree increased. Among all Hispanics, the share with a college degree increased from 10% in 2000 to 13% in 2010.

However, most Hispanic origin groups had lower median household incomes in 2010 than in 2000 (adjusted to 2010 dollars). Overall, median household income among Hispanics fell from $43,100 in 2000 to $40,000 in 2010—a decrease of 7%. And the share living in poverty increased two percentage points, from 23% in 2000 to 25% in 2010.³ Among all U.S. households, median household income (in 2010 dollars) fell from $54,200 in 2000 to $49,800 in 2010—a drop of $4,400 or 8%.⁴ The poverty rate for all Americans increased by three percentage points over the same period.

Hispanics are the nation’s largest minority group, representing 16.4% of the U.S. population. By comparison, non-Hispanic blacks, who are the nation’s second largest minority group, represent 12.3% of the nation’s population and non-Hispanic Asians rank third at 4.7%.⁵

Hispanics are also the nation’s largest immigrant group and one of its fastest growing populations. According to the Census Bureau, Hispanic population growth between 2000 and 2010 accounted for more than half of the nation’s population growth (Passel, Cohn and Lopez, 2011). Among the nation’s 40 million immigrants, nearly half (47%) are Hispanic (Pew Hispanic Center, 2012).

2011). Among the nation’s 40 million immigrants, nearly half (47%) are Hispanic (Pew Hispanic Center, 2012).

This report compares the 10 largest Hispanic origin groups in the U.S. on several characteristics. In addition, accompanying this report are 10 statistical profiles—one for each Hispanic origin group. Each statistical profile describes the demographic, employment and income characteristics of a Hispanic origin population residing in the 50 states and the District of Columbia. The characteristics of an origin group are also compared with all Hispanics and the U.S. population overall.

This report uses data from the 2010 American Community Survey (ACS), the 2010 U.S. Census and the 2000 U.S. Census (5% IPUMS). The accompanying Hispanic origin profiles use data from the 2010 ACS.

Nearly four decades after the United States government mandated the use of the terms “Hispanic” or “Latino” to categorize Americans who trace their roots to Spanish-speaking countries, a new nationwide survey of Hispanic adults finds that these terms still haven’t been fully embraced by Hispanics themselves. A majority (51%) say they most often identify themselves by their family’s country of origin; just 24% say they prefer a pan-ethnic label.

Moreover, by a ratio of more than two-to-one (69% versus 29%), survey respondents say that the more than 50 million Latinos in the U.S. have many different cultures rather than a common culture. Respondents do, however, express a strong, shared connection to the Spanish language. More than eight-in-ten (82%) Latino adults say they speak Spanish, and nearly all (95%) say it is important for future generations to continue to do so.

Hispanics are also divided over how much of a common identity they share with other Americans. About half (47%) say they consider themselves to be very different from the typical American. And just one-in-five (21%) say they use the term “American” most often to describe their identity. On these two measures, U.S.-born Hispanics (who now make up 48% of Hispanic adults in the country) express a stronger sense of affinity with other Americans and America than do immigrant Hispanics.

The survey finds that, regardless of where they were born, large majorities of Latinos say that life in the U.S. is better than in their family’s country of origin. Also, nearly nine-in-ten (87%) say it is important for immigrant Hispanics to learn English in order to succeed in the U.S.

This report explores Latinos’ attitudes about their identity; their language usage patterns; their core values; and their views about the U.S. and their families’ country of origin. It is based on findings from a national bilingual survey of 1,220 Hispanic adults conducted Nov. 9 through Dec. 7, 2011, by the Pew Hispanic Center, a project of the Pew Research Center. For a full description of the survey methodology, see Appendix A. (In this report, as in all Center reports, the terms “Hispanic” and “Latino” are used interchangeably).

Among the report’s key findings:

Hispanics and Identity

• When it comes to describing their identity, most Hispanics prefer their family’s country of origin over pan-ethnic terms. Half (51%) say that most often they use their family’s country of origin to describe their identity. That includes such terms as “Mexican” or “Cuban” or “Dominican,” for example. Just one-quarter (24%) say they use the terms “Hispanic” or “Latino” to most often to describe their identity. And 21% say they use the term “American” most often.
• “Hispanic” or “Latino”? Most don’t care—but among those who do, “Hispanic” is preferred. Half (51%) say they have no preference for either term. When a preference is expressed, “Hispanic” is preferred over “Latino” by more than a two-to-one margin—33% versus 14%.
• Most Hispanics do not see a shared common culture among U.S. Hispanics. Nearly seven-in-ten (69%) say Hispanics in the U.S. have many different cultures, while 29% say Hispanics in the U.S. share a common culture.
• Most Hispanics don’t see themselves fitting into the standard racial categories used by the U.S. Census Bureau. When it comes to race, according to the Pew Hispanic survey, half (51%) of Latinos identify their race as “some other race” or volunteer “Hispanic/Latino.” Meanwhile, 36% identify their race as white, and 3% say their race is black.
• Latinos are split on whether they see themselves as a typical American. Nearly half (47%) say they are a typical American, while another 47% say they are very different from the typical American. Foreign-born Hispanics are less likely than native-born Hispanics to say they are a typical American—34% versus 66%.

The American Experience

• Hispanics say their group has been at least as successful as other minority groups in the U.S. Most Hispanics (55%) say their group is about as successful as other racial and ethnic minority groups in the U.S. More than one-in-five (22%) say they have been less successful, while 17% say they have been more successful.
• The U.S. is seen as better than Latinos’ countries of origin in many ways—but not in all ways. Fully 87% of Latino adults say the opportunity to get ahead is better in the U.S. than in the country of their ancestors; some 72% say the U.S. is better for raising children than their home country; nearly seven-in-ten (69%) say the poor are treated better in the U.S.; and a plurality of 44% say moral values are better here than in their homelands. However, when it comes to the strength of family ties, a plurality (39%) say the home country of their ancestors is better, while 33% say the strength of family ties is better in the U.S.
• Most Hispanic immigrants say they would migrate to the U.S. again. Some 79% of Hispanic immigrants say that if they had to do it all over again, they would come to the U.S. When asked why they came to this country, more than half (55%) of immigrant Hispanics say it was for economic reasons, while 24% say it was for family reasons.

Language Use—English and Spanish

• Most Hispanics use Spanish, but use of English rises through the generations. The survey finds that 38% of all respondents are Spanish dominant, 38% are bilingual and 24% are English dominant. Among U.S.-born Hispanics, more than half (51%) are English dominant.
• Hispanics believe learning English is important. Nearly nine-in-ten (87%) Hispanics say adult Hispanic immigrants need to learn English to succeed in the U.S.
• Hispanics also want future U.S. Hispanic generations to speak Spanish. Fully 95% of Hispanics believe it is very important (75%) or somewhat important (20%) for future generations of Hispanics in the U.S. to be able to speak Spanish.

Social and Political Attitudes

• Hispanics, more so than the general public, believe in the efficacy of hard work. Three-in-four (75%) Hispanics say most people can get ahead if they work hard. By contrast, just 58% of the general public say the same.
• Levels of personal trust are lower among Latinos than they are among the general public. Fully 86% of Latinos say you can’t be too careful when it comes to dealing with people. Among the U.S. general public, just 61% say the same.
• On some social issues, Latinos hold views similar to the general public, but on others, Latinos are more conservative. Virtually identical shares of Latinos (59%) and the general public (58%) say homosexuality should be accepted by society. However, on abortion, Hispanics hold a more conservative view than the general U.S. public—half (51%) of Hispanics say it should be illegal in most or all cases, compared with 41% of the general public.
• Religion is more important in the lives of immigrant Hispanics than in the lives of native-born Hispanics. Nearly seven-in-ten (69%) immigrant Hispanics say religion is very important in their lives, compared with half (49%) of U.S.-born Hispanics. Among the general population of the U.S., 58% say religion is very important in their lives.
• Latinos’ political views are more liberal than those of the general U.S. public. Three-in-ten (30%) Latinos describe their political views as liberal or very liberal, compared with 21% of the general public.

About this Report

The 2011 National Survey of Latinos (NSL) focuses on Hispanics’ identities, behaviors, views about social issues, and language use. The survey was conducted from November 9 through December 7, 2011, in all 50 states and the District of Columbia among a randomly selected, nationally representative sample of 1,220 Latino adults. The survey was conducted in both English and Spanish on cellular as well as landline telephones. The margin of error for the full sample is plus or minus 3.6 percentage points. Interviews were conducted for the Pew Hispanic Center by Social Science Research Solutions (SSRS).

This report was written by Director Paul Taylor, Associate Director Mark Hugo Lopez, Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life Research Associate Jessica Hamar Martínez, and Research Analyst Gabriel Velasco. D’Vera Cohn, Cary Funk, Rakesh Kochhar, Luis Lugo, Jeffrey Passel and Greg Smith provided comments on an earlier draft of the report. The authors thank D’Vera Cohn, Cary Funk, Leah Christian, Richard Fry, Scott Keeter, Rakesh Kochhar, Rich Morin and Kim Parker for guidance on the development of the survey instrument. Gabriel Velasco and Seth Motel provided research assistance. Eileen Patten number-checked the report topline. Seth Motel, Eileen Patten and Gabriel Velasco number-checked the report. Marcia Kramer was the copy editor.

A Note on Terminology

The terms “Latino” and “Hispanic” are used interchangeably in this report.

“Native born” or “U.S. born” refers to persons born in the United States and those born in other countries to parents at least one of whom was a U.S. citizen.

“Foreign born” refers to persons born outside of the United States to parents neither of whom was a U.S. citizen. Foreign born also refers to those born in Puerto Rico. Although individuals born in Puerto Rico are U.S. citizens by birth, they are included among the foreign born because they are born into a Spanish-dominant culture and because on many points their attitudes, views and beliefs are much closer to Hispanics born abroad than to Latinos born in the 50 states or the District of Columbia, even those who identify themselves as being of Puerto Rican origin.

“First generation” refers to foreign-born people. The terms “foreign born,” “first generation” and “immigrant” are used interchangeably in this report.

“Second generation” refers to people born in the United States, with at least one first-generation parent.

“Third and higher generation” refers to people born in the United States, with both parents born in the United States. This report uses the term “third generation” as shorthand for “third and higher generation.”

Language dominance, or primary language, is a composite measure based on self-described assessments of speaking and reading abilities. “Spanish-dominant” persons are more proficient in Spanish than in English, i.e., they speak and read Spanish “very well” or “pretty well” but rate their English-speaking and reading ability lower. “Bilingual” refers to persons who are proficient in both English and Spanish. “English-dominant” persons are more proficient in English than in Spanish.

The ACS is the largest household survey in the United States, with a sample of about 3 million addresses. It covers the topics previously covered in the long form of the decennial census. The ACS is designed to provide estimates of the size and characteristics of the resident population, which includes persons living in households and group quarters.

The specific data sources for this statistical profile are the 1% sample of the 2010 ACS Integrated Public Use Microdata Series (IPUMS) and the 5% sample of the 2000 Census IPUMS provided by the University of Minnesota.¹ The IPUMS assigns uniform codes, to the extent possible, to data collected by the decennial census and the ACS from 1850 to 2010. Due to differences in the way in which the IPUMS and Census Bureau adjust income data and assign poverty status, data provided in Tables 27 – 37 might differ from data on these variables that are provided by the Census Bureau. For more information about the IPUMS, including variable definition and sampling error, please visit http://usa.ipums.org/usa/design.shtml. To learn more about the sampling strategy and associated error of the 2000 Census or the 2010 American Community Survey, please refer to Chapter 8 of the U.S. Census Summary File 3: 2000 and U.S. Census Design Methodology, respectively.

For the purposes of this statistical portrait, the foreign born include those persons who identified as naturalized citizens or non-citizens. Persons born in Puerto Rico and other outlying territories of the U.S. are included in the native-born population.

The ACS is the largest household survey in the United States, with a sample of about 3 million addresses. It covers the topics previously covered in the long form of the decennial census. The ACS is designed to provide estimates of the size and characteristics of the resident population, which includes persons living in households and group quarters.

The specific data sources for this statistical profile are the 1% sample of the 2010 ACS Integrated Public Use Microdata Series (IPUMS) and the 5% sample of the 2000 Census IPUMS provided by the University of Minnesota.¹ The IPUMS assigns uniform codes, to the extent possible, to data collected by the decennial census and the ACS from 1850 to 2010. Due to differences in the way in which the IPUMS and Census Bureau adjust income data and assign poverty status, data provided in Tables 27 – 37 might differ from data on these variables that are provided by the Census Bureau. For more information about the IPUMS, including variable definition and sampling error, please visit http://usa.ipums.org/usa/design.shtml. To learn more about the sampling strategy and associated error of the 2000 Census or the 2010 American Community Survey, please refer to Chapter 8 of the U.S. Census Summary File 3: 2000 and U.S. Census Design Methodology, respectively. For the purposes of this statistical portrait, persons born in Puerto Rico and other outlying territories of the U.S. are included in the native-born Hispanic population. Hispanics who identified as naturalized citizens or non-citizens are included in the foreign-born Hispanic population.

The specific data sources for this statistical profile are the 1% sample of the 2009 ACS Integrated Public Use Microdata Series (IPUMS) and the 5% sample of the 2000 Census IPUMS provided by the University of Minnesota.¹ The IPUMS assigns uniform codes, to the extent possible, to data collected by the decennial census and the ACS from 1850 to 2009. Due to differences in the way in which the IPUMS and Census Bureau adjust income data and assign poverty status, data provided in Tables 27 – 34 might differ from data on these variables that are provided by the Census Bureau. For more information about the IPUMS, including variable definition and sampling error, please visit http://usa.ipums.org/usa/design.shtml. To learn more about the sampling strategy and associated error of the 2000 Census or the 2009 American Community Survey, please refer to Chapter 8 of the U.S. Census Summary File 3: 2000 and U.S. Cenus Design Methodology, respectively.

Because persons living in group quarters were not included in the 2005 ACS, the data contained in this profile of foreign-born persons, tabulated from the 2009 ACS, are not comparable with the data included in the Pew Hispanic Center’s Foreign Born at Mid-Decade report.

For the purposes of this statistical portrait, the foreign born include those persons who identified as naturalized citizens or non-citizens. Persons born in Puerto Rico and other outlying territories of the U.S. are included in the native-born population.

The specific data sources for this statistical profile are the 1% sample of the 2009 ACS Integrated Public Use Microdata Series (IPUMS) and the 5% sample of the 2000 Census IPUMS provided by the University of Minnesota.¹ The IPUMS assigns uniform codes, to the extent possible, to data collected by the decennial census and the ACS from 1850 to 2009. Due to differences in the way in which the IPUMS and Census Bureau adjust income data and assign poverty status, data provided in Tables 27 – 34 might differ from data on these variables that are provided by the Census Bureau. For more information about the IPUMS, including variable definition and sampling error, please visit http://usa.ipums.org/usa/design.shtml. To learn more about the sampling strategy and associated error of the 2000 Census or the 2009 American Community Survey, please refer to Chapter 8 of the U.S. Census Summary File 3: 2000 and U.S. Cenus Design Methodology, respectively.

Because those persons living in group quarters were not included in the 2005 ACS, the data contained in this profile of Hispanics, tabulated from the 2009 ACS, are not comparable with the data provided in the Pew Hispanic Center’s Statistical Portrait of Hispanics at Mid-Decade.

For the purposes of this statistical portrait, persons born in Puerto Rico and other outlying territories of the U.S. are included in the native-born Hispanic population. Hispanics who identified as naturalized citizens or non-citizens are included in the foreign-born Hispanic population.

Latinos are the largest minority group and largest immigrant group in the United States. Overall, they comprise 15.4% of the total U.S. population. Among Latinos ages 16 and older, 56% are foreign born and 44% were born in the U.S.²

While rates of technology use among native-born Hispanics are relatively high, technology use for the full population of Hispanics continues to lag behind the use rates of the non-Hispanic population. When it comes to internet use, some 64% of Latinos ages 18 and older go online,³ compared with 78% of non-Latinos. More than three-fourths (76%) of Latinos use a cell phone, compared with 86% of non-Latinos.⁴

Among youths ages 16 to 25, non-Hispanics are approaching near-universal internet use, but the rate is markedly lower for Hispanics.⁵ Some 95% of non-Hispanics ages 16 and 17 go online, as do 96% of those ages 18 to 25; for Hispanics ages 16 to 25, the internet use rate is 77%. The ethnic gap in cell phone use is less pronounced, though still significant. Some 82% of non-Hispanics ages 16 to 17 use a cell phone, compared with 72% of Hispanics. Among those ages 18 to 25, 94% of non-Hispanics use a cell phone, compared with eight-in-ten (80%) Hispanics.

Differences in Cell Phone Use among Latinos

Just over three-fourths (76%) of Latinos ages 16 and older report using a cell phone. Cell phone use is most common among Latinos ages 25 and younger. Some 78% of Latinos 16 to 19 use a cell, as do 80% of those 20 to 25. Older Latinos are significantly less likely to use a cell—only 74% do so.

Both nativity and generation are important predictors of cell phone use for Latinos. While 72% of Latinos born outside of the U.S. use a cell phone, this share rises to 80% for the native born. And among the native born, the second generation, who have at least one parent born outside of the U.S., are less likely to use cell phones (78%) than third-generation Latinos (84%), who are the native-born children of native-born parents.

Among Latino teens ages 16 to 19, the native-born are more likely to use a cell phone than the foreign born (81% versus 67%), and the third generation is more likely to do so than the second generation (90% vs. 78%). For Latinos ages 20 to 25, the native born are more likely to use cell phones than the foreign born (90% versus 70%), but there is no difference between the second and third generation. There are no significant nativity or generational differences in cell phone use for Latinos ages 26 and older.

Another indicator of assimilation, English proficiency, is also linked to cell phone use among Latinos ages 16 and older.⁶ Some 84% of those who are English dominant use cell phones, compared with 76% of those who are bilingual and 69% of those who use primarily Spanish. The increased likelihood of cell phone use among the English dominant is also evident among Latinos ages 20 to 25 and those ages 26 and older.⁷

Hispanic males ages 16 and older are more likely than their female counterparts to report using a cell phone. While 80% of males use a cell phone, just 72% of females do so. But among Hispanic teens ages 16 to 19, the reverse is true—females are more likely to use a cell phone than their male counterparts (82% versus 73%). There is no significant gender difference in cell use for Hispanics ages 20 to 25, but among Hispanic adults ages 26 and older, males are the dominant cell phone users–80% versus 69%.

Differences in Internet Use among Latinos

When it comes to internet use, almost two-thirds (65%) of all Latinos ages 16 and older go online, at least occasionally. Internet use rates differ markedly between teen Latinos, those in their early 20s, and older Latinos. Fully 84% of Latinos ages 16 to 19 report that they email or use the internet. This number drops to just under three-fourths (74%) for Latinos ages 20 to 25. Only six-in-ten (61%) Latinos ages 26 and older use the internet at all.

Nativity is closely associated with internet use. Half (51%) of foreign-born Latinos go online, while 85% of Latinos born in the U.S. do so. This internet gap is due in part to the fact that the native born are younger on average than their foreign-born counterparts. However, this nativity difference in internet use persists within each of the three age groups examined—16- to 19-year olds, 20- to 25-year olds, and those ages 26 years and older–suggesting that there are other explanatory factors as well.

As is the case with cell phone use, there is a significant difference in internet use between second- and third-generation Latino teens. Some 90% of second-generation Latinos ages 16 to 19 use the internet, while almost all (97%) third-generation Latinos ages 16 to 19 go online. Internet use does not vary by generations for older Latinos.

English proficiency is also closely linked with internet use. Some 87% of English-dominant Latinos ages 16 and older go online, compared with 77% of Latinos who are bilingual. This share drops to only 35% for Spanish-dominant Latinos. Within age groups, Spanish-dominant Latinos are much less likely to go online than their English-dominant counterparts ages 20 to 25, or 26 and older.⁸

No gender differences in internet use exist among the full population of Latinos ages 16 and older. However, a closer analysis reveals gender differences within each age group. For the younger age groups, females are more likely than their male counterparts to use the internet—88% versus 80% for Latinos ages 16 to 19; and 79% versus 70% for Latinos ages 20 to 25. However, among Latinos ages 26 and older, men are more likely to report that they use the internet. Almost two-thirds (65%) say as much, compared with 57% of women.

Technology Use among Latinos and Non-Latinos

Latinos continue to lag behind non-Latinos in cell phone use. Just over three-fourths (76%) of Latinos ages 18 and older use cell phones; this number is 86% among non-Latinos.⁹ The same is true with regard to internet use, despite marked gains by Latinos in recent years (Livingston, Parker and Fox 2009). Some 64% of Latinos use the internet, compared with 78% of non-Latinos—a 14 percentage point difference.

In general, age is inversely related to cell phone and internet use, so the relatively youthful profile of Hispanics is a demographic fact that in and of itself buoys the statistics for overall Hispanic technology use. Controlling for age shows a more precise portrait of the ethnic differentials in technology use.

Among those ages 16 and 17, about seven-in-ten (72%) Latinos use a cell phone, compared with eight-in-ten (82%) non-Latinos. Eighty percent of Latinos ages 18 to 25 use a cell phone, and 94% of their non-Hispanic counterparts do the same. The ethnic differential in cell phone use is particularly notable for the oldest ages—non-Latinos ages 55 and older are 25% more likely than their Latino counterparts to use the technology, with 75% of non-Latinos, and 60% of Latinos reporting that they use cell phones.

When it comes to internet use, almost all young non-Hispanics (ages 16 to 25) go online, while just over three-fourths (77%) of their Hispanic counterparts do the same. For people ages 55 and older, 42% of Latinos use the internet, compared with 57% of non-Latinos.

Methodology

Results for Hispanics are based on the 2009 National Survey of Latinos, which was conducted from August 5 through September 16, 2009 among a randomly selected, nationally representative sample of 2,012 Hispanics ages 16 and older. The survey was conducted in both English and Spanish, on cellular as well as landline telephones. For the total sample, the margin of error is plus or minus 3.7 percentage points. The margin of error for respondents ages 16 to 25 is plus or minus 4.6 percentage points, and the margin of error for respondents ages 26 and older is plus or minus 4.8 percentage points. See Between Two Worlds: How Young Latinos Come of Age in America for more details.

Results for non-Hispanics ages 16 to 17 are based on the Pew Internet and American Life Project (PIAL) 2009 Parent-Teen Cell Phone Survey, which was conducted on cellular as well as landline telephones from June 26 through September 24, 2009 among a nationally representative sample of 800 teens ages 12 to 17 and their parents. The margin of error for the full sample of teens is plus or minus 3.8 percentage points.

Race/ethnicity for the teens in this survey is based on the race/ethnicity of the parent respondent.

Results for non-Hispanics ages 18 and older are based on the PIAL 2009 Reputation Management Survey, which was conducted on cellular as well as landline telephones from August 18 through September 14, 2009 among a nationally representative sample of 2,253 adults. The margin of error for the full sample is plus or minus 2.3 percentage points.